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SPEECH 



7 



HON. E. K. SMART, OF MAINE, 



DEFENCE OF THE NORTH AGAINST THE CHARGE OF AGGRESSION 

UPON THE SOUTH. 



DELIVERED 



IN THE UOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, APRIL 23, 1852. 



»'' 



WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED AT THE CONGRESSIONAl. GLOBE OFFICE. 
1852. 



SPEECH. 



Ti\z Hcrase tieing in Committee of the Whole on the state 
of the Union on the Homestead Bill- 
Mr. SMART said: 

Mr. Chairman; I have obtained the floor for 
the purpose of defending the North against certain 
charges of aggression, recently made by gentlemen 
in both wings of the Capitol. Sir, i dislike to 
speak at any time of sections of the Union, by 
way of contrast or compariison, but I believe an in~ 
telligent understanding of the relations which have 
hitherto existed between the North and the South, 
will, at the present time, have a tendency to insure 
justice and cement the union of our country. I am, 
sir, a Northern Representative; but " I ask noth- 
ing that is not clearly right," and, as a Northern 
man, I will "submit to nothing that is wrong." 
What, sir, is the best method of preserving the 
Union, so far as the action of the North is con- 
cerned.' It is to insist on our rights, and with 
equal alacrity to concede, at once, all that belongs 
to our Southern friends. This I intend to do. 

The gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. Jackson,] 
who introduced a resolution, not long since, re- 
quiring a pledge of non-agitation on certain sub- 
jects, did not, 1 presume, mean to preclude a 
Northern Representative from defending his con- 
stituents from unjust imputations. Be that as it 
may, I shall not acknowledge, in this respect, the 
" binding efiicacy"of his resolutions. In his late 
speech, he used the following language: 

" If that people who sent me here be disunionists, the 
inference is irresistihie, that I also have forgotten my duty 
to my country and am a disunionist. If there he any man 
lipon this floor who has drawn that inference, I feel it to be 
my duty, from a regard to myself, from a regard to my pos- 
terity, and from my respect to my countrymen and this 
House, to disown the fact, and to say here, as I do, before 
mv country and my God, that never, WITH ALL THE 
CAUSES WHICH, IN MY JUDGMENT, THE SOUTH- 
ERN PEOPLE HAVE FOR DISSATISFACTION IN 
A LONG COURSE OF TWENTY YEARS' LEGISLA- 
TION, have I felt the first desire to see this Union dis- 
solved." 

This, as I understand it, is a plainly implied 
reflection upon the North, and doubtless has refer- 
ence to the subject of slavery. It should not pass 
without a reply. 

The gentleman speaks of legislation, not non- 
legislation. In reply to him, I pass over the acts 
of the last Congress, because they appear to be 
supported by a majority of the Southern people; 
and I pass over the establishment of a Govern- 
ment in Oregon, because the South have always 
affirmed that they had no desire to propagate 
slavery in that hyperborean region. I also pass 
over the formation of Territorial Governments in 
Territories where slavery had been excluded by 
the ordinance of '87 and the Missouri compro- 



ntise, because a reiinactment of what was already 
the lav/ in relation to slavery in these Territories 
injured nobody; and, passing over these, I assert, 
that no slave-holding right has been infringed by 
Congressional legislation during the period desig- 
nated by the gentleman. With the exception of 
certain acts of the last Congress, and acts in rela- 
tion to the Territories, I find only the following 
legislation upon slavery for the last twenty years: 

Act of 18.34. E. Rrookc may remove two slaves into the 
District of Columbia. 

Act of 1841. John Carter may bring his slave into the 
District of Columbia. 

Act of 1843. Balance of indemnities, to he paid to per- 
sons or companies for slaves lost at Nassau, Bahamas. 

Act of 1844. Slaves of persons residing within the re- 
puted limits of Arkansas, but found to be within the limits 
of Texas, may be brought back. 

In addition to this, I believe claims for slaves 
have been allov/ed within the time named by the 
gentleman from Georgia. This is the sum of the 
legislation during the period mentioned by the 
gentleman. Now that I am si)caking upon the 
subject of slavery, I have a few words to say in 
reference to the escape of slaves. 

The census has been cited to show how many 
slaves have escaped to the North. Here is what 
was said by a distinguished Senator from South 
Carolina, [Mr. Rhett,] a few weeks ago: 

" I see that, according to the census returns for the year 
ending tlie 30th of June, 1850, upwards of one thousand 
fugitive slaves escaped to the North from the South. 
That amounts to $800,000 worth of property at the market 
value of slaves." 

Now, sir, the census does not demonstrate that 
a solitary slave has escaped to the North. It 
only purports to show how many have been lost. 
Many have probably escaped to neighboring 
swamps; and it would not be strange if large 
niuTibers have been taken and carried away, for 
sale, by persons residing in the South. Witli the 
exception of the border slaveholding States, I do 
not believe that many slaves escape from the South 
to the North. The census pretty conclusively es- 
tablishes the fact, that the number alleged to have 
escaped to the free States is greatly exaggerated. 

It shows that in the New England States, there 
has been a small decrease in the number of its 
colored population. The following table of col- 
ored persons will be found interesting: 

1850. 1840. 1830. 1820. 1790. 

Maine 1.313 1,355 1,177 929 

N.Hampshire... 477 537 607 783 788 

Vermont 710 630 881 918 271 

Massachusetts.. 8,773 8,668 7,049 6.740 6.001 
Rhode Island.... 3,,543 3,2.33 3.578 .3.502 4,355 
Connecticut .... 7,415 8,105 8,072 8,008 5,572 

22,231 22,633 91,364 20,881 16,987 



In the State of New York the decrease during 
the j>a8t leii years lias been 2,583 in the colored 

Copulation. In none of the free States has there 
eeii any increase of conswuience, exi-ejil in Penn- 
Bvlvania and Ohio. Tlie entire increase in the' 
A'liiiille Stales is much less tlian that reported in 
1840. 

•Now, making due allowance for births in the 
la.-st ten years, and for emigration of t'rei^ persons 
of color from slave to free State.s, it does not ap- 
pear that large numbers of slavt-s have gone to 
those States. Thev are not there. Have they 
gone to Canada.' I'hey are not even tliere, to the 
extent generally stated. It is said one tliousand 
slaves esc-aped for the year eiuling June, It'SO. 
Tliis, it will be recollected, wa.t prior to the pas- 
sage of llie fut:itive slave act. Without iiuiuiiiiig 
further whether they did or not escape to the free 
States, and wiilioiii !,'oins into the question of re- 
sponsibilty in tlie matter of their esca])e or recap- 
ture, I ask what was the loss incurred during the 
year our Southern friends siitiered the most? 
>Viiy, sir, it amounted, after all, to only about 
one thirtieth of one iier cent, on the whole num- 
ber of slaves in the Lniied States; and supposing 
the slave property in the South to be worth 
$l,jtlO,UOO,UUU, it amounted to about one eight- 
teeiith of one cent, or one half mill on a dollar! 
It would seem that this proi)erty, as a whole, has 
been held by a more reliable tenure than bank 
Block or shipjMUg, or almost any other property 
you can mention. Considering the nature of the 

Eroperty, 1 think it is as secure as can reasonably 
e e.xpected. The feeling got up upon this sub- 
ject by certain Xoriliern " Uiin'ii patriots," re- 
minds me of a story of a client who had not a 
very good cause of action. His lawyer, however, 
presented the case with great eloquence and x»ower. ; 
The client watched his advocate, during the argu- 
ment, with great attention, and at last burst into 
a tlood of le.us, saying that he had no idea before 
how badly he hail been treated. So it is in this 
case. Till Mr. Wel-ster made his demonstration. 
Southern gentlemen, 1 think, had not felt them- ! 
selves badly aggrieved in this particular matter. 

But at all events the people of the Xorili are now ' 
chnr^ed with having committed the most (lagrant 
ag::restiions upon our Soiuhern friends. I will 
read some of the s|iecilications: 

"Ith.mttei'n snid by S'nillirrii iiicii, ' tlinl llicPoutli knows 
Uiu I'cileral <ii>vi-riiiuciil nnly liy lib cxnctions uiiil ()|i|ires- 
•ioiiii, .iiiil that r-li<- liii-i never received beiietitd and ndvan- 
tsjci- Ironi il- power or intlMence. ' '* 

And again: 

■■ I wihli to ^how to iliis Senate lli.il in all tlie operations 
III iliiiifjoveriinieni, lliere is Imi one Hory Uiruii^liuut — the 
NorlJi liveii — lliir ."^ouiti liullerH. " 

• • • * * * * 

«' Tliii4 (;oviTiniii-nt openly nays to uh, wo will govern 
you an we pli ««'■ ; we will iijnnder you l»y tarillH ; roh yon 
or>our li-rriiorie*. ; icfail ynur inxtilultoMH, and il' yon at- 
t<'iii|i| lo enrniiv our piiwer by seeesiiion, we will put you 
tu llic KWord." 

•' I,et UH now aoliaek lo tin.' fl'cal operalionsof Ihls (Jov- 
crnnienl. II I nii«lake nm, iliey will exliilm one ciirimsi 
Pill r'(iuri«< of as.'raiidi/.eineiii on tlie part ol llo; Norlli at 
the rjiM-ine ol till' .•<iiulli. 

" ir I ini>litke not, I'roni the very foiindiilion of thin Gov- 
eriiinenl lo tliia day, III- operation oltt in ii« linancial and 
|ifi Hillary relalii>n«, liaf> liail lull one unil'orni lendeney ; 
and llinl hiui heeii in au'i'i.iiiili/.i- llie N'ortli ill llie expenxtr of 
tlie Suiilh. Ill nimlakeiiol, llie emirniMit iMurpniionN niili- 
III 'ii'il inhiv* led toilinr li Ultimate iie(|iieneeit in the meas- 
ure' ofaggrcMion which have been dcnuiiiiiiated tlie com- 



proniisp. To test the truth of this po.^iiion, I propose no\r 
to go back and trace the iiiiancial operations of ihe Gov- 
eninient for many years [kmi." — S^ecc/t of Mr. Rhctl, of 
South Carolina, hecembcr iHtU ami IGth, 1&31. 

"The lionest truth is that in our secret hcart:> we alt 
know that jiisiiee has iir»t been done us, and we havelilllc 
hope thai il will be in fulnre. We have submitted to one 
wrong ; will we subioit to another .'" 

" I used in iiiy speech at home, after my return from 
Congress, the Croinnellian expression, which ever since has 
so niueh annoyed the peculiar guardians of the Union, 
' Pr.iy to God and keep your powder dry.' And it was as 
if I had said, • Hope for the best, but be prepared for the 
worst.' The true meaning of this expression will be un- 
derstood, when I slate, that on that occasion, as now, I 
said appearances in my jndgnient are delusive. We have 
siillered much at the hands of ilie North, and we have not 
seen Ihe end. We are destined to snlfer niiicli more." — 
Speech of Hon. ^. G, Brown, of Missiisipjii, March 301A; 

1B.T2, 

We are told by our Southern friends of exac- 
tions and oppressions, wrongs and aggressions; 
of their beit>g governed by their bitter enemies, 
and always excluded from the benefits and advan- 
tages of the Government. These are the com- 
plaints; and I doubt not they will be solemnly re- 
jieated on Monday next, at the aiiti-;iubmission 
Convention in South Carolina. But I hope to be 
able to show that they are unfounded. In justice 
to a portion of our Southern friends I will say, 
that they do not make these very grave charges 
against us. If any of the gentlemen who do make 
the charges, ]mt tiiem forth as a sutTicient cause 
for a dissolution of this Government, they should 
see to it that they are not fallacious. When our 
fatherasigned the Declaration of Independence, the 
great facts it contained were true. Nor was this 
all. They demonstrated to the world a magnitude 
of injustice on the part of Great Britain, which 
aljundanlly justified them in the course they pur- 
sued. The comjjlrtinls I have read cover the whole 
history of the Government. They have only 
known the Government by its exactions and op- 
pressions. If Northern men were to acfjuiesce iii 
the justice of these complaints, by admitting them 
to be well founded, or by remainnig silent under 
them, I should fear for the safety of the Union. 
The immortal Jefl'erson said, in his first Inaugural: 

" If there he any among us wlio would wish to dissolve 
this Union, or to change its republican roriii, let them .stand 
undisturbed as monunienis of the safely with which error 
of opinion may be tolerated, whi:he reason is lekt 

FKEE TO COMDAT IT." 

I If, sir, we are left free to combat the errors of 
|i those who would dissolve the Union, all will be 
I well. W^e must be jiermiited to look over the 
books, and to take an account of stock. The dif- 
ferent sections of the Union entered into a partner- 
■ ship more than three-fourths of a century ago. 
h Some of the |iartnerM, it seems, have become dis- 
' satisfied with the dividends they have received. 
Such being the case, I think it would be an act of 
wisdom for the comjiiaining partners to review the 
])rofits they have reali/.ed from the concern, and 
lo determine whether these profits have not been 
ample and al)undant, and whether there is any 
serious justification for com|ilaiiUs against the 
, Northern members of ihe firm. I purpose, sir, 
i lo take a glance at the accounts, and to speak of 
some of the benefits which have inured to our 
Southern brethren, in virtue of our great Cimfed- 
erai-y. I will endc'avm- to give some facts in an- 
swer to the complaints of Southern gentlemen, of 
[ oppression, and of being governed by the North. 



As there is no limitation as to the period covered 
by these complanits, I will refer, for a few mo- 
ments, to a time anterior to the formation of the 
Consiitution. 

I do not mean to rely, in my defense, upon the 
deliberalion.s and transactions of the North and 
South during the period to which I refer. Public 
men at that time were poor individually and col- 
lectively, and could not bestow local or personal 
favors to any extent. It was enough that they 
gave to posterity the general benefit of the freest 
and best Government in the world. While 1 do 
not rely for my answer to the charges of Northern 
aggression upon the period of our history ante- 
rior to the formation of the Constitution, I expect, 
by a reference to it, and by other facts in our sub- 
sequent history, to show that the South liave ob- 
tained, by the magnanimity of the North, or by the 
political tactics of Southern politicians, not less, 
but often more than their share of the benefits and 
advantages of the Government. In passing to the 
subjects I purpose to notice, some allusion to our 
early history is drawn from me by the recollection 
of a declaration made by Mr. Calhoun a short 
time previous to his decease. 

That eminent man, in his last great speech in 
the Senate, (read by Mr. Mason, of Virginia,) 
•epoke of Washington as the " illustrious South- 
erner;" and subsequently (March 13th, 1850) he 
said, in his place in the Senate: 

" I reiuiiidej the t>('iiate and the world, and rightly re- 
minded tiieiii, (l)iit Wa.sliinston was an illustrious Soutli- 
erner." * * "We have a liu'ht to claim him as an illustrious 
Southerner— for he was a Southern man, a Southern plant- 
er ; and we do not intend he sliall l»e taken out of our 
liands." 

Now, sir, I repudiate entirely such distinction 
for the memory of George Washington. He is 
remembered as an illustrious American, and as the 
property of every section of the Union; and in 
the opinion of the world, the best man the world 
could furnish to conduct the revolutionary war 
to its glorious termination. This was apparent 
soon after, if not at the time of his appointment, 
as Commander-in-Chief. If, indeed, he might 
at that tiiTie be regarded as a "Southerner," 
for the reason that he resided at the South, and 
was known personally to few of the people of 
the North, I claim for Northern men that they 
were magnanimous to him and to the South. By 
whom v/as he made Commander-in-Chief of the 
armies of the Revolution? To use the phraseol- 
ogy I have quoted, it was done by " illustrious 
Northerners." The motion was first made for the 
appointment of Washington, by John Adams, 
" the Collossua on the floor of Congret^s" in favor 
of the Declaration of Independence. By whom, I 
ask, Mr. Cliairman, was that motion seconded? 
By none other than Samuel Adams, of Massachu- 
setts, a man worthy to be placed in the category 
with Hampden. 

Northern men by this act superseded their own 
military commanderG for the sake of the cause. 
Their strongest reason for doing so was, to unite 
the South in the war. I mean no disparagement 
of the patriotism of the Southern colonies. A 
large portion of their citizens were early in the 
fight, and among the last to remain on every field. 
But the North had, at the commencement of the 
war, a stronger spirit of resistance. The Pilgrims 
had been the children of oppression, because they 
were dissenters from the eslablifihed Church. They 



fled for refuge from the intolerance of their coun- 
try. The persecutions of Britain had pursued 
them to the then inhospitable shores of America. 
" Wild was llie day ; the wintry sea 
Moaned sadly on New England's strand, 
When first the tlioui-litful and the free, 
Our fathers, trod the desert land." 

The settlement of New England was the result 
of persecution — that of Virginia was a matter of 
choice. In 1609 a charter was granted to Vir- 
ginia, and the grantees were incorporated by the 
name of "The Treasurer and company of Ad- 
VENTUiiERs and Planters of the city of London 
for the first Colony of Virginia." The early set- 
tlers of Virginia were generally of the established 
Church, and were, in some degree, the favored 
colonists. They were less annoyed by the acta 
of the British Government, aiul had fewer griev- 
ances to redress. Their leading spirits had made 
common cause with the North; but with a view 
to unite the Southern colonists fully in the war, 
the North resolved, with great magnanimity, to 
take the Commander-in-Chief from the most im- 
portant Southern colony. The military men of 
the North were passed by in favor of one who, 
in consequence of that act, become, not an " illus- 
trious Southerner," but an illustrious American. 
They were passed by in favor of one who for 
twenty years had not drawn a sword or mixed in 
public affairs. The superseded generals were 
brave and true men. There may be those who 
would detract from their merit and magnify their 
fi\ults. To such I would reply, in the language 
of a British historian, " Were the defects of the 
' heroes of New England far greater, and their vir- 
' tues far less, they would yet throw into the 
' shade of merited oblivion the character of their 
' defamers, either of the past or the present age." 
Sir, I am not much given to poetry, but I can feel 
what a New England poet has written: 
" Oh ! never may a son of thine. 

Hear, unmoved, the taunt of seorn 
Breathed o'er the hrave New England bom; 
Or mark the strang(;r's jasuar hand 
Disturb the ashes of thy dead. 
The buried glory of a land 
Whose soil with noble blood is red. 
And sanctified in every part, 
Nor feel resentment like a brand 
Unsheathing from his fiery heart!" 

Indeed, it was objected to the commanders of 
New En^'land that they had been too decided for 
independence-, and, therefore, the appointment of 
one of their numiber would be impolitic ! As I 
would be careful not to misstate history, I ask at- 
tention to the following authorities for what I have 
said: 

"Among the Southern colonies, Virginia, for numbers, 
wealth, and influence, stood pn^i^minent. To atladi so re- 
speduhle a colony to the aid of Massachusetts, by selecting 
a Commander-in-Chief from that quarter, vvasnot less war- 
ranted by the great military genius of one of her sons than 
dictated'hy sound jiolicy."— Ramsey, vol. 1, p. 216. 

" It was questionable, however, in what light an attempt 
to supersede General Ward would be viewed. This ditft- 
culty, however, was overcome by the magxanimitv of the 
New England delegation. John A<la!ns proposed the 
adoption of the provincial troops as aconiinental army, and 
at the close of his remarks he expressed his intenUon to 
propose a member of Congress from Virginia. 

"All persons understood it to bo Washington." Los- 
sing, page 164. 

" There were officers In the country older in years than 
Colonel Washington, who had acr|iiired a reputation in the 
last war, aiid wiiose services would be necessary. To pass 



otrr such 8» fliould bf thought by them^eIvps or fm-iKls to ' elected President of the Federal Convention, upon 
ha\ e higher claims on the scort- oi lorincr rank and stand- , ,i,„ .w^r,,;., ..;«> „<• i\/r \/t >;"wwii, uj<uij 

ing, a pon.t in wi.icli nuliiary in.ii are always so stnsiuve, «"« nommaliou of Mr. Morris, of Pennsylvania, 



misln bt-a haziiKliius t\i>triin<iit. ' ' «» INorlliern man. I find a note in the Madison 

•• IJtsj,l.-,iii<ir".>i)<iiir<iuly iuiliffiild were wholly from papers, uj)on the Subject, wliicii 1 take the liberty 

the Xpw Kniflaiid prnviiiees, and it was uneerlain how Car to i-f>ni1- 
Ih- y would be reeoiielled to a eoiuiiinnder I'roiii the South, 



\\..h \tlioMi no one nniont; iJieni had a |>er.-onnl arifuaint- 
Bn.e, and would not be r.ni>i«>!ird to lnlder^•alld their haliit.<, 
I'e- ins*, and preixi-isossions. General Ward, who hndhilli- 
erio been at the head of the Army, by the appointment ol" 
MaMaeluiretts, was theerlully ac(|uiesced in by the other 
New Kn);lnnd colonies, was an oilieerof experience and 
abdity, and it was (pie-.iionable in what li^iht an alteiiipt to 
supersede hiin ini;;lil lie viewed. It should be ."aid, to the 



lo read : 

" The nomination came with particular grace from Penn- 
sylvania, as I)o<-tor Franklin alone could have been thought 
of as a competitor. The Doctor was himself to have made 
the nomination of General VVanliiiiijlon; but the state of llie 
weather and his health confined him to his hoose." 

Now, sir, if Northern gentlemen had been dis- 
posed to overlook the great claims of Washing- 



credit of the Ne>v Knglaiid iVdeirales. that they were ^^n, they might have done 30 by the selection of 
amoii'! the t'oreniivsi to propose, and the most zealous to J a native of New England, whom Jeflerson de- 

!!^TTi1'^" "I'P"""''"-''"" ^"';"""^^' "'"^''"'.SJ>o";. , '^« H'e I dared to be, " at the age of eighty years theorna- 
conte>t bad bejuii in AJa-sachiiselts, the inhahtlants of' ,„„. , , ,■ i . >> i i ' "^ •■"* 
' -i.i' meiit ol iiuman nature, and who was worthy to 



vhich had heeu tht chief aiifferrrs, and as the existing army 
wa-s mostly raised there, it would not have been thonghtan 
extravagant axsumplion, had that colony aspired to the 
honor of furnishing a Conimanderin-Chief.—i/iurAs's u-ri- 
tinii of jraiUin^loii, \iil. I, p. HO. 

'' Ciencral Washinglon was placed on all those cominit- 
tccii whose duty it was to make arrangements for defense; 
and when it became necessary to appoint aC^oiiimander-in 



preside over any deliberative body in tiie world. 

" The name of Benjamin Franklin will be immortal in 
the records of freedom and phiIoso|.hy. XVu hope they 
(the people of .America) will learn wiih'interejt tlie funeral 
homnge which we have rendered to tin; Xestor of America." 

Thus wrote the President of the National As- 



Chief, his miliiary eharaett-r, the solidity of his judgment, , sembly of France, in 1790. 



tlie steady lirmness of his temper, the dignity of his person 
and deportment. Die confidence inspired by his patriotism 
and integrity, and the independence of his circumstances, 
comhined u-ilh that jiotUy tihkh actuated New England, and 
indeed a wishtoema^eihc Soulherncolo7iies inthe irar, to 
designate him, in the opinion of all, as the person to whom ! 
hiscountry should be confided.'" — Marshall's Life of H-'ash- 
ington, vol. II, p. -^36. | 

" But we were embarrassed with more than one ditfi- 



I make, Mr. Chairman, no meritof this matter. 
But 1 say, we were not unjust to the man whom 
the great Carolinian designated as the "illustrious 
Southerner." 

Ill connection with these revolutionary incidents, 
I will remark here that I have heard coiri]ilaint3 
recently by a distinguished Senator, in the other 



culty; not only the parly in favor of ihe petition to the : end of the Capitol, that large sums of money have 
King, and the party who were jealous of independence, but |; been received by the North in revolutionar'v pen- 
l^tl^'^.:^^:i^:^^S^V^!:i^t:S^^::^^ t-- This is i^t a new alleged grieva,^e. ^Lre 
under the eonimand of a .\'e\v England general. Wliethe'r "'^" twenty years ago, the talented Hayne in- 
jealousy was sincere, or whether it was pride and haughty ' vested this "grievance" with sufficient di<'nity to 
ambition of funii>hing a Southern general to command a I; be introduced' into one of his elociuent speeches in 
IVortuernarmv I cannot sav. ! .i tt •. j o. . o . rn i • t , ' . 

" Several gentlemen ded.ired themselves against the ap- I ^"® United btates Senate. To this I have a short 
pointiiieiit of Mr. Washington, not on account of any per- | answer. The laws granting pensions apply to all 
... ..... . , ■ ... .. .... --^|.jj^ 

the 




expected to desire at that lime. 



The following statement of troops (continental 



"Mr. I'endleion, of Virginia, and .Mr. Sherman, of Con- and militia) furnished by the respective States, 
ncclieut, were very explicit in declaring this opinion. Mr. '1 durilio- the revoliilionnrv wnr fi-mii ITt-i ir, 1 7>^1 
Cush.ng and several others more faintl/expressed their op ; V '^ f olutionai y war, tl om 1 < ,a to 1 ,b3, 

position, and their tears of discontent inthe army and In I'lc'us'^e, is from the collection of the New Hamp- 
Neiv England. .Mr. Taine exnressed a i>re:it noininn of ii shire Historical Societv: 



eiv England. .Mr. Taine expressed a great opinion of jj shire Historical Society; 



General Ward, and a strong friendship for him, having been 
hi.« classmate at college, or at least his cotemporary ; but 
gave no opinion on that (juestion. This subject was post- I 
poned to a future day; in (be mean time, pains were taken ! 
out of doors to obtain a iinaiiiniiiv, and the voices were ' 
generally so clear in favor of Washington, that the dissen- 
tient members were piirsiiaded to withdraw their opposi- ' 
tion."— lfor*i of John Jldams. vol. II, p. 416. I 

Let me not be mi.sunder.stood. The concession 
was, indeed, as forHiiiaie as it was generous. 
Wa-shiiigtoii, I rejieat, the world has decided,! 
proved to be a belter man for the crisis than the 



By the North. 

Nev/ IIari>|>shire 

iXIassachusett-s 

niiode Island 

Connecticut 

New York 



By the South 

14,580 Delaware 

83,16-2 Marvland 

10,19-2 Virginia 

39,8;n North Candina 

ai,!).'?.") South Carolina 

New Jersey 10,781 Georgia Q,679 

Penn.sylvaiiia 3-2,96.5 



■2,693 

i8,o;« 

3-2,288 
7,263 
6.417 



Total 



Total 09,379 



149,7 



world could furni.sh. It is true, also, that the [[ It appears, by this .statement, that theNorlh fur- 
North had gnevanceMto be redressed, and views to H nished, during the war of the Revolution, 14!), 776 
accomplish in his appointment. i}ut what I wish more soldiers than the South. These figures, Mr. 
lo».«HertiN,tliat " illustriou.s Northerners," never- Chairman, will. 1 think, explain any ineriualiiy aa 
theleKH.pertoriTied an a.-t of great magnaiiimiiv at [' to the amount of pensions allowed to the dillerent 
that {>erif>d, in brii.-iug forward CJeorge Washing- 'j sections of the country. 

to/1. ThiH no one am deny. Mr.MEADE. I wish to correct the gentleman 

1 ho[ie, «ir, It iH imdersiond that I do not make aa to a matter of history. The gentleman does 
any comj.laintH for the .North in thi.-i discussion, not mean to say that all those persons from the 
hev have gnevniices, I am not now aiiout to ' North were actually engaged in the war. The 
e them. I mean, before I sit down, to make' Slate of .M.issachusetis, ^uid other Stales, made 



If the 

mat 

out, ifl can, n defense against thechar^re of injiis 

tice to our Southern friends. As I am speakii 



all their n\iliiia soldiers, soldiers of the revolution- 

- , r, ii '""v war. That accounts for the dillerence. 

for thiH purpose, I may notice a smaller incident. ] Mr. S.M ART. I understand all that, and I said 
Ueneral Waahmglon , in 17ii7, wua unaniinoualy ]; conlineiUals and militiii. The difference is uot, I 



think the gentleman will find, accounted for in 
that way. The North, it is well known, furnished 
by far the largest number of active soldiers who 
served in the field. But I ask gentlemen, resjiect- 
fully, not to interrupt me. I say to you, " hear 
rae for my cause, and be silent that you may hear;" 
and, by the way, I have a belter cause than Brutus 
had. [Laughter.] 

I now come to a consideration of some of the 
more important acts of Government under the 
Constitution. I purpose to notice some of the 
important provisions of the Constitution, and the 
manner in which those jirovisions have been carried 
out. We find the power given to Congress to 
establish the seat of Government. I had not the 
pleasure of being in the last Congress — and I have 
no doubt it was a pleasure — but 1 recollect of read- 
ing a speech of the gentleman over the way, [Mr. 
CuNGMAN,] in which he said, " I tell gentlemen 
that this is our slave-holding territory." But the 
gentleman did not tell us that the Federal Gov- 
ernment, established its seat here, when it was 
nearly an unbroken wilderness! and that the splen- 
did wealth and cultivated appearance of this city 
is to be ascribed to Northern votes, and, to a great 
extent, to Northern treasure. At the time of Gen- 
eral Washington's inauguration, the temporary 
seat of Government was located in the city of New 
York. But at the first session of the first Con- 
gress, the subject of a removal, and permanent 
establishment of the seat of Government was agi- 
tated; and at the second session, a bill actually 
passed, transferring the seat of Government, after 
1800, to some place on the Potomac, between the 
mouth of the Eastern Branch and Comiogochegue, 
and it was transferred accordingly. The North- 
ern States had a majority of four in the Senate, 
upon the passage of the bill, and yet it was carried 
by two majority. They also liad a majority of 
five in the House, and yet were defeated by a ma- 
jority of three. Messrs. Elmer, of New Jersey, 
"Langdon, of New Hampshire, and Morris and 
McClay, of Pennsylvania, of the Senate, voted 
for the Southern location; and Messrs. Sinickson, 
of New Jersey, and Clymer, Fitzsimmon, Hart- 
ley, Heister, Muhlenburg, Scott, and Wynkoop, 
of Pennsylvania, of the House, voted for the same 
location. It is worthy of notice, that at the first 
session of the first Congress, both Houses voted 
for a "Northern position" for tlie seat of Gov- 
ernment, and still the North were defeated. 

The House of Representatives, September 7, 
1789, passed the following resolution: 

"Resolved, That tlie periiianent feat of Government of 
the Uiiited States ought to be at some convenient place on the 
banks of the river !Susf|uchannati, in the State of Pennsyl- 
vania, and tiiat until the necessary buildinffs lie erected, the 
seat of Governnient ought to continue in New York." 

An additional resolution was passed, authoriz- 
ing the appointment of commissioners to carry out 
the spirit of this resolution. On the 25th of Sep- 
tetnber, 1789, the resolution of the House was 
stricken out by the Senate, and the following 
amendment inserted: 

" ^ind he it further enacted, That the President of the 
United States be authorized to appoint three commissioners, 
who are under his direction, to locate a district, not exceed- 
ing ten miles square, in the said counties, [in Pennsylvania,] 
and including therein the said Northern Liberties and town 
of Germantown, and to purchase such quantity of land 
witliin the same, as may be necessary, and to accept grants 
of land for the use of the United States, and to erect thereon, 
witliin four years, suitable buildings for the accommodation 
ollbe Congress, and the officers of the United States." 



On the 2Gth of September, this amendment was 
sent to the House. It was now apparent that tlie 
House would adopt the amendment of the Senate; 
but Mr. Madison, who was warmly and ably the 
advocate of the " Southern location," on tiie 28th 
of September oflered an unimportant amendment, 
and the Northern men were entrapped into its 
adoption. This carried the bill back to the Senate 
for action upon this additional amendment. It 
was immediately returned to the Senate, and post- 
poned to the next session. This gave the friends 
of a "Southern location" what they desired, to 
wit, time to gain over additional strength. They 
afterwards obtained the entire vote of Pennsyl- 
vania, in both Houses, which State got in return, 
the trifling equivalent of the temporary location of 
the seat of Government till the year 1800. If the 
seat of Government could be established in a 
Southern position, certain Southern members were 
willing to give to the North an additional equiva- 
lent; they were ripe for "compromise." And 
what was the equivalent? I answer, the assump- 
tion of the State debts. There were not wanting 
men who thought the North gained as much as the 
South by this "compromise." But how miser- 
ably fallacious was this equivalent. 

These debts were contracted for services and 
supplies in the war of the Revolution, and the obli- 
gation to pay them rested equally on the Southern 
as upon the Northern men. Nor is this nil. This 
very assumption gave to the South 'i^ll ,200,000, 
and to the North, only §10,300,000. This, and 
the seat of Govermnent at Philadelphia for ten 
years, make up the equivalent to the North for 
trucking off the capital to the South, to remain 
forever. Another idea was also kept up, that the 
nation was to incur no cost for the erection of pub- 
lic buildings, &c. This proved to be equally fal- 
lacious. Here was no aggression of the North, 
certainly; but a mastery, by the aid of political 
tactics, on the part of the South. 

I have looked into the discussion upon the sub- 
ject, and I must say that some of the speeches are 
as fresh and natural as if made but yesterday. 
Men, eminent for their patriotism and character, 
brandished in debate the saine weapons we often 
witness in this and the other Hall. I am incapa- 
ble, Mr. Chairman, of intending any disrespect to 
the memory of those who have passed away; and 
the instances I give, are offered as illustrations 
merely of the language of certain localities towards 
other localities. I take the liberty to read a few 
extracts. 

Mr. Lee, of Virginia, (in the House of Repre- 
sentatives, September 3d, 1789,) "Asked whether 
' this Govermnent was intended for a tetnporary, 
' or a lasting one.' Whether it was to be a fleeing 
'vision, or continue for ages? He hoped the 
' result would proclaim that the Govenmient was 
' calculated for perpetuity. If that was done, the 
' Government would be removed to the Potomac; 
'if not, we should stop short of it. He said he 
' was averse to sound alarms, or to introduce ter- 
' rors into the House; but if they were well 
' founded, he thought it his duty. 

The same gentleman (in the House of Repre- 
sentatives, July (ith, 1790,) observed that — 

" While the present position continued to be the scat of 
Government, the agriculture of the States cast is invij,'ora- 
ted, while that to the south is lanL'uishing and expiring. He 
then showed the fatal tendency to this i)reponderft:- 
tiag eacoiirageiuent to those parts of tlic country, already 



8 



consiilerrd ns ilic sirongst parts of ihc I'nion, and fnnii tlie 
natural opfnitioii or" tlie principles he iiilVrreil llmt the i»- 
tertul of iJie Southern Stales must be eventually swallowed 
lip. The decision of llie Senate (in favor oi' the South) 
anbrds a most lavorable opportunity to ninnifcst that inaR- 
naiiiniily of soul which lihall enibrace, upon an extensive, 
liberal system, the best interests of the great whole. He 
Uicn drew an alarmiso i-hti'rk of the consequences to be 
apprehended from disimon, ambition, and rivalship. He 
then pave a pleasing sketch of the happy ellecl to be derived 
from a national, generous, and equal attention to Southern 
and Xorthern interests. ^Vill gentlemen, said he, blast this 
prospect by rejecting lliis bill.' I trust lliey will not." 

These speeches were delivered more llian sixty 
years nijo. But, sir, the hmgunge of this eminent 
man sounds as fresh and natural as a speech of 
yesterday. lie hoped the result would [iroclaim 
that the Government was calculated for perpetuity. 
If that was done, the Government would be re- 
moved to the Potomac. He then showed the fatal 
tendency of giving preponderating encouragement 
to the North; therefore he said the preponderating 
encouragement of the capital must go South. Then 
comes the fearful ap]irehension that the South will 
be swallowed up; tjien an alarming ])icture of the 
consequences of disunion; then a pleasing sketch of 
happy efTects to l>e derived from an equal attention 
to Southern and Northern interests; then an appeal 
to Northern gentlemen not to blast this beautiful 
state of things by rejecting thi.«i bill — yes, by reject- 
ing this bill. This is the grand finale. It seems 
that the attention to Southern ami Northern inter- 
ests was to give the South the seat of Government, 
in view of" alarming pictures," and of impending 
terrors. This was the spirit of the language ad- 
dressed to Northern gentlemen then, and the same 
in spirit is addressed to them now. 

These speeches, it is true, did not have a great 
effect, for tlie South got but few more votes than ap- 
pear to have been stipulated for. There was indeed 
rivalry of feeling between Pennsylvania and New 
York, which powerfully contributed to the defeat 
of a northern location. The South were in a sim- 
ilar danger of dividing between Baltiinore and the 
Potomac; Init that able statesman, Mr. Madison, 
saw the danger and sounded the note of alarm. 
He made an appeal, which appears to have called 
the Southern members together like the blast of a 
trumpet. He said: 

" We tiavi- it now in our power to procure a Southern 
position. The opportunity may not acain speedily present 
Itself, lie knew the various and jealous interests that 
exist on this subject. ^Ve should hazard nothing. If the 
Potomac is struck out, are you sure of petting Raltimore .' 
May no other places be proposed .' Instead of naltimore, is 
it not probable we may have Susquehanna inserted, per- 
haps the Delaware. 

" Make any amendments, sir, and the bill will go hark 
to the Senate. Are we sure that it will come back into our 
[Mssession again ? 

" By amending we give iipacorlninty foran uncertainty. 
In my opinion, we shall act wisely if we accept the hill as 
it now stands ; and I beg leave to press it on gentlemen, ' 
not to consent to any alteration lest it he wholly defeated, 
and the prospect of obtainiii); a Southern position vanish 
forever." 

Thus we Hee, air, the South controlled the de- 
ciiiion. They cnntrolled it without much regard 
to the nrgiimenlK on the other side. Upon this 
flubject one Southern gentleman [Mr. Rourke of 
Souili Carolina] Raid, in the House of Represent- ' 
atives, July fi, 17'JO: ( 

" It |H uiijii-l to ilie peopli! of this city (New Vork) to 
remove from ibis place until the expense they have in- 
curred i» rejiaid them. It is a breach of honesty and of 
iUdtiee. It IS inju»tice to the State— to the whidc nation. I 
Je entered into u considurulion of their saertriceu and scr- ' 



vices. He thought it a ver)' extraordinary measure, ii»- 
deed." 

]\Ir. Gerry, of Massachusetts, said: 
'• When llie Constitution was a(|oj)ted, Congress deter- 
mined that the first meeting should be in New Vork ; and, 
from this determination, it became necessary that acconi- 
inodations should be provided. 

" Had not New York done this, they would have been 
charged with parsimony, or disafleetioii, or with both. It 

I would have been said that this city, having been a Rritisli 

I garrison, was careless andinditi'erentin respect to the Gov- 
ernment. 

[ " These considerations and their attachment to the Con- 
stitution produced the eh'gant buildiie; in which the ses- 
sions of Congress have Ixjen held ; in addition to this, they 

! have incurred other heavy e.xpenses to beautify and render 
more convenient the seat of Government. These expenses 
the city has incurred to do honor to the new Government, 
and they have not been reimbursed." 

Such is the history of this transaction. 
Having thus described the manner in which the 
seat of Government was established in this Dis- 
' trict, I luisten to consider the advantages and ben- 
efits derived by a Southern community in conse- 
auence of its permanent location. During the 
iscussion upon this subject, to which I have 
alluded, Mr. Madison said: 

" The scat of Oovernment is of great importance, if you 
consider the diffusion of wealth that proceeds from "this 
source. I presume the expenditures wliich will take place 
when the Government will boesial)lislie(l, by those immedi- 
ately concerned in its admiiiistralion, and by others who 
iii.iy resort to it, will not be less than .^jOtJjOOO a year." 

If, sir, Mr. Madison had been correct in this 
prediction, there would have been ex]iended among 
our Southern friends, for the benefit of tliis city 
and tlie agriculturists in this neighborhood, up- 
wards of $25 ,000,000; but he did not approach 
the reality. I now go to show the amount ex- 
pended in this District since the permanent estab- 
lishment of the seat of Government. 

Why, sir, here is a great and thriving city grown 
up upon Government patronage, and the agricul- 
turists of Virginia and Maryland are constantly 
deriving large revenues from the expenditures of 
Government in this loi\ality. I have a statement 
of the money expended for local objects in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia from 1790 to 184!)- '50, prepared 
byTosvnsend Ilaines, Esq., Register of the Treas- 
ury, in compliance with a resolution of the House 
of Representatives of July 26, 1850. The total 
amount thus expended, as a))pears by this state- 
ment, is put down at *ilO,09U,3H7 23. 
The civil list of expenditures, aliout three fourths 
of which are expended in the city, from 1791 to 
and including 1832, amounts to i..'}7,15S,(l47 00 
From 183210 and including 1850 to 46,019,302 00 



Touil $83,177..349 00 



Three fourths of this sum is 62,383,012 00 

Add the amount expended in the 
District for local objects, as al- 
ready stated 10,090,387 23 



And you have a total of. ^72,473,399 23 

It is proper to state that the report of the Secre- 
tary of the Trea.'-'iiry for several years inrhuled in 
the civil list the expenses of foreign intercourse. 
The amount for those years I have tiierefore esti- 
mated. 

If, then, we take into account the expenditures 
of the foreign legations and others who resort to 



9 



the capital, the immense amounts lavished in print- 
ing contracts, &c., I think it will not be extrava- 
gant to say that one hundred millions of dollars 
have been exjiended in this city in consequence of 
the establishment of the seat of Government here, 
on the banks of the Potomac. The figures I have 
given are sufficient to justify me in this declar- 
ation. These are some of the " benefits and advan- 
tages" that our Southern friends have received 
from the Government. Instead of half a million, 
as predicted by Mr. Madison, there have been 
expended in this District about two millions per 
annum, without serious molestation by the " un- 
complaining North;" for no serious attemjit has 
ever been made to remove the seat of Government. 
I will not now add more under this head. I pro- 
ceed to my next point. 

The Federal Government has power, under the 
Constitution, to bestow office and emoluments 
upon the citizen. What share have the South 
had in the administration of Government, and in 
the execution of the laws? Have they, in this 
respect, been the victims of Northern domination 
and oppression ? From what sections have the 
Chief Magistrates of the nation been taken ? At 
the close of Mr. Fillmore's term the presidential 
chair will have been filled — 

From the South 49 years. 

From the North 15 " 

Let it be remembered that, from the first form- 
ation of the Government, to the present moment, 
the North have had a decided preponderance of 
numerical strength; and yet they have forborne, 
with few exce]itions, to use that strength for the 
elevation of their sons to the first place in the na- 
tion. There have been sixteen elections of Pres- 
ident; and how many times do you suppose, sir, 
a majority of tlie North have voted for a man 
of Southern birth ? They have done so eleven 
times. And how many times have a majority of 
tha 7 )uth voted for a native of the North ? Let 
mK nswer. But once; — only once in sixty-four 
V ai i. In the sixteen Presidential elections, 3,456 
-lect iral votes have been cast; 790 votes have been 
give by the North for Northern candidates; 1,190 
by the South for Southern candidates; 1,155 by 
the North for Southern candidates, and 321 by 
the South for Northern candidates. 

The South have stood with their serried ranks 
for their own men, generally asking, and seldom 
yielding; and now some of their citizens are com- 
plaining of " Northern domination and aggres- 
sion." Men sometimes complain to obtain more 
than their rights. Sir, I am reluctant to bring my- 
self to believe that our Southern friends are actu- 
ated by a similar policy. 

Several of the important places have been filled 
as follows, up to March 4th, 1849: 

From the North. From the South. 

Presidents 12 years. 48 years. 

Cliief Justices U " 48 " 

Secretaries of State.. 20 " 40 " 

Attorneys General 20 " 39 " 

Speakers of tlie House 23 " 37 " 

With about one half the white population, the 
slaveholding States have had, if 1 am not in error, 
a majority of the Cabinet, of the members of the 
Judiciary, of the Foreign Legations, and of the 
officers of the Army and Navy. They have 
now tlie President of the Senate, the Speaker of 
the House, the Commanding General of the Army, 
the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and a 



majority of the Cabinet officers. There have 
been from the South twenty-one President.s jyro 
tempore of the Senate, and from the North thirteen. 
These are the facts, and this is the answer to the 
charge of Northern aggression, that is forever 
sounding in our ears. I ask attention to liiese 
facts, and ask gentlemen to remember that there 
are 13,U0U,000 of white people at the North, and 
only about 6,000,000 at the South. I have alluded, 
sir, to the first jilaces under the Government. I 
have not mentioned second and subordinate 
offices. Now, I ask, what justification can there 
be for the complaints of a distinguished Senator, 
made in the late convention, of Southern-Rights 
Association, held at Charleston .' Hear him: 

'• The Southern States can no longer be tlie nurse of great 
statesmen. The anihiiion of the eagle's flight will he no 
longer seen — we may have crows and ducklings who will 
be ready to be sati^fied with the crumbs and garbage of 
office. There are those who will be willinir U> make an 
easy transition to degradation by being candidates liir the 
secondary and subordinate offices. Supiiosc Ilir-rc were a 
provision in the Constitution that no man from the South 
Atlantic States should be eligible to the Presidency ; it 
would not change the pr(^sent state of things. Such a clause 
might as well be in the Constitution for all practical pur- 
poses. 

" The youns; men of the South, throwing; off the tia of 
trained politicians, should look to their own destiny. They 
need look to no Federal preferments that are worthy of their 
amhition. Third and fourth places they mi^ht attain, when 
they would he entitled to the first if they were in their right- 
ful position.'^ 

These extracts were cut from the newspapers, 
and I suppose them to be correct. 

This able and ardent champion of what I regard 
as factitious grievances, motiestly claims that the 
rightful positions of the young men of the South, 
are the " first positions " under the Goveriuuent. 
But, sir, I cannot understand how they have any 
exclusive right to be first on the list of important 
places. They have a right to an equality of con- 
dition under the Government, and nothing more. 
But admitting what seems to be the modest claim 
of the distinguished Senator, and the facts show 
that their names have remained on the first pages 
of the Blue Book, first, last, and all the time. 

Why, sir, they have not only had the " first 
places," but their " crows and ducklin£:s" have 
been well cared for. Here is a list taken from 
official tables: 

" From these tables it appears that of fifty one principal 
officers of Government, heads of Departments, bureaus, 
chief clerks, &c., there were 24 born in free States, and 25 
in slave States, nine of the former being born in Pennsyl- 
vania, and eleven of the latter in Virginia. Two are for- 
eigners, namely, the Commissioner of the Patent Office, and 
one of tlie Assistant Postmaster Generals. 

" Of 1,698 clerks and other officers, (not including cus- 
tom-houses,) 1,442 were natives of the United States, 136 
foreigners, and 120 whose place of birth was- unknown. Of 
the ] ,442 Ainericans, 632 were born in free States, and 810 
in slave States ; 275 were born in Virginia, which is 79 more 
than from any other State. Maryland has 196 ; Pennsylva- 
nia 177; New York 144 ; District of Columliia 128; Massa- 
chusetts 83 ; Kentucky 47 ; North Carolina 44 ; Maine 42 ; 
New Jersey 41 ; Connecticut 39. &c. 

" Of the 136 foreigners, 34 were born in Ireland ; 31 in Eng- 
land ; 21 in Germany ; 8 in Franco : 7 in Scotland ; 3 in 
Spain; 2 in Canada; 1 in Wales, and 29 in other foreign 
countries. 

'■ In the table showinsr the number appointed from each 
State, we have excluded the custom-houses, as those em- 
ployed in them are always appointed from the States in 
which they are located. This table shows that of 1,698 
persons, 631 were appointed from the free, and 930 tVoin 
the slave States, the dillerence in favor of the latter being 
299. Of these, 1,177 were employed in the city of Wash- 
ington. 369 being from free, and 729 from slave Slates, 
showing that in that city there are 360 more Government 
officers from slaveliolding States, than from tlie free. The 



10 



iiuiiiIjit ciiipliiyi'd ill Wasliliiglon city a|)|)oiiileil from each 
Stale, is as I'uliuivs : From .Maine 26, New Hampshire 10, 

Veri It 10, .Massachusetts 30, Rhode Island 5, Coniiecti- 

cul K), .New Vork SI, Xew Jersey 15, I'eiiiisylvania 100, 
(Jhio 10, Indiana I j, Illinois !■>, .Michigan 8, Iowa -1, Wis- 
consin .'i, Caliibrnia 1_; total from tree t>tates 631. Ap 
pointed from Delaware 6, .Maryland 96, District of Colum- 
bia '.f-X, Virginia IH3, Xortli t.'arolina '2,'), South Carolina 
10, (Jeoruia 16, .'Maliania 12, Mississippi II, Loui.-<iana 8, 
Te.\as 3, Florida 6, Kentucky 16, Tennessee 18, Missouri 
10, .'\rkans:i.s 3 ; total from slave Stales 729. Not reported 
79." . II 

Let me say here that the idea of filing: a list of || 
the offices in the local custom-houses at the North 
as a "set o(V" to the.se jilacesis simply ridiculous. 

The people of the South are entitled to fill tlieir , 
own local offices, and the citizens of the North 
are entitled to dischar«:e the duties of the offices in 
their section, Init the offices •' at large" should be 
filled from all sections in proportion to population. 
If the experience of the jiast is worth anything, 
it certainly affords no ground for gloomy appre- [, 
liensions on the part of Southern gentlemen, and | 
no reason for a dissolution of the Union. But 1 1 
go further. If the North should hereafter claim ; 
their share of consideration in these matters — and 
I hope they will have spirit enough to do that — | 
Southern gentlemen cainiot comjilain, unless they 
can show that they have a divine right to the 
*' first places. " Any right, founded on any supe- ! 
rior capacity or intelligence, I trust they will not ' 
ur^e upon us at the present day. It will be ob- i 
served that the distinguished gentleman, to whom 
I have referred, considers a participation in the 
Gover)iment of the country, by the occupation of 
high official stations, as an important matter. So , 
do I. To take the Government from the King of 
Great Britain, and to give it to our own citizens, ! 
was one important design of our glorious llevolu- 1 
tion. But the design was to give it to the whole 
country, and not to the South or North exclusive- 
ly. The " first places" in all governments, among 
all people, civilized and uncivilized, have been 
deemed objects worthy of the most ardent aspira- 
tions, and of the most tremendous struggles. It; 
may be in accordance with liumtin nature for one 
section to desire them ail, but having obtained \ 
nearly all, it is certainly not reputable to pour out ! 
murmuring accusations. Without adding more 
upon this point, I beg the indulgence of the House 
while I call attention to the power — 

TO LAY AND COLLECT TAXES, DUTIES, I.MPOSTS, AND 
EXCISES. 

Taxation has ever been regarded with jealousy 
by tlie Anglo-Saxon. Charles I., it has been 
said, lost his head by the levy of a twopenny lax 
of shi[i-nioney. I propose to look into tlie manner 
in which the power of taxation has been wielded 
in this natir)!!. 

I'irsf, of direct taxation. At the time of the 
formation of the Constitution, a contest arose be- 
tween the North and the South, as to the basis of 
representation. The North contended that the 
Government should be one of fiee jieople exclu- 
sively, and that the representation in Congress 
should be ba.sed wholly upon free po|iiilation. 
The South, however, succeeded in obtaining a 
" coiiipromise," by which three fifths of the slaves 
are added to the whole number of free persons in 
the several slavelnddiiig States as the " represent- 
ative (lopiilalioii." Ah an eijuivalent for this con- 
ceHHion of tjie North, the South consented to pre- 
ucribe, in the Constiiutiun, tliut direct tuxes, wlien 



laid, should be apportioned among the States in 
the same manner as representatives. The equiv- 
alent, however, has proved to the North wholly 
fallacious. But four comjmratively inconsider- 
able taxes have been laid since the adoption of the 
Constitution. " The slaveliolding States, "inthe 
language of another, " have enjoyed the benefits 
of this compromise, without feeling any of its bur- 
dens." 

The slave basis of representation is equal to 
some twenty-four Congressional constituencies, 
and how much has been received by the Govern- 
ment in direct taxes.' McGregor, in his Prog- 
ress of America, |)uts down the whole amount at 
§12,000,000. Not only has there been little resort 
to direct taxation, but when resorted to the South 
have had comparatively few slaves for which to 
be taxed. In 1798, the period of the first direct 
tax, the slaves enumerated, for purposes of taxa- 
tion, amounted to only 303,™' 10. But when the 
subject comes up ai^ain the South will find the 
North for direct taxation, and itself against it, 
whatever has been said upon the subject to the con- 
trary notwithstanding. 

Mr. CARTTER, (in his seat.) That is true. 

Mr. SMART. It is proper that I should allude 
to another fact, immediately connected with this 
subject. In 183G, an act of Congress was passed 
depositing the surplus revenue with the States; 
and about <,27,000,000 were actually distributed to 
the several States, in i)roportion to their respective 
representations in the Senate and House of Rep- 
resentatives. This was money in the Treasury 
of the United Slates, and was distributed accord- 
ing to representation, while we were collecting rev- 
enue, not according to representation, but upon a 
basis, in fact, much more favorable to the South 
than to the North. The money was collected by 
one rule, and distributed by another. The distri- 
bution to the South was undoubtedly greater than 
their contributions. They received, by this act of 
Government, more money, in vn-tue of their slave 
basis of representation, than they ever paid in 
direct taxes. It will be seen, therefore, that, un- 
der the compromise of " taxation and representa- 
tion," they have never sacrificed a dollar; that 
they have olnaiiied the advantage of slave repre- 
sentation without any equivalent. For some thir- 
ty-five years, no serious elTort has been made by the 
North to resort to this constitutional mode of tax- 
ation. During all this time the slaves to be enume- 
rated, for the purpose of taxation, liave numliered 
from 2,000,000 to 3,000,000. Here, sir, is a clearly 
constitutional right which might be made to fall 
heavily u)ion the South, and no resort to it for the 
last thirty-five years. Does this look like North- 
ern a^irression r Rhetoric and oratory may give 
to the winds the complaint of aggression, Init facts 
are far more iiU]>ortant for a thinking people. 
Thus much for direct taxation. 

A word of indirect taxation. The expense of 
collection of duties u)ion imports and tonnage in the 
North, has been exhibited as an instance of North- 
ern op|ircssion ! This view of the subject has been 
taken without any regard to theamount of revenue 
collected in the free States. Let us see how the 
matter stands. I hold in my hand a statement 
allowing the total amount of revenue derived from 
customs, and the expenses of collection, from 1791 
to 1850, as appears by M'Grcirnr's l'ro;;ress of 
America, and from a statement kindly furnished 



11 



me by the Secretary of the Treasury. I respect- 
fully ask for it the attention of the House: 

Wliole amount of revenue $1,169,299,265 

Expense of collection 54,2,^7,320 

Amount of revenue in free States 932,222,911 

Amount of revenue in slave States 237,076, :35-l 

Expense of collection in free States 36.894,926 

Expense of collection in slave States 17,362,393 

It will be seen by tliese figures that the South 
have collected only about one fourth of the whole 
duties on imports and tonnage. In fine, sir, the 
expense of collecting one hundred dollars in the 
South has been nearly double that of collecting 
the same sum in the North. These facts, when 
thus presented, without any sophistry, really fur- 
nish our Southern friends, they being judges, with 
no just cause of complaint. 

But to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and 
excises, is one of the most important acts of 
sovereignty. If the power of taxation has been 
abused, and generally wielded against the inter- 
ests and wishes of our Southern friends, I admit 
it may be a just cause of complaint on their part. 
It is impossible, Mr. Chairman, for me to go into 
the effects of all the taritTacts upon all sections of 
the Union. I do not propose to do that. But 
there are some facts going to show that in this 
matter the North have ))ot committed substantial 
aggressions against the South. I know, sir, it is 
believed by many in the South, that they have 
been always injured in the exercise of the power 
of taxation; and, I dare say, it is supposed by 
many that a majority of the South have scarcely 
ever voted for the revenue laws under wliich we 
have lived; but if it be found, upon investigation, 
that a majority of the Southern members of this 
House have voted for a majority of all the tariff 
acts passed since 1789, 1 think they are estopped 
frorn presenting a bill of indictment against the 
Government or the North in this matter. 

In the House Journal may be found the yeas 
and nays upon twenty-one tariflTacts, and of these 
a majority of the Southern members have voted 
for twelve, and against only nine. I hold in my 
hand the votes of Southern members upon these 
acts. They are as follows : 

Yeas. Nays. 

Tariff of August 10, 1790 22 3 

" March 3,1791 7 16 

" Mav 2,1792 II 15 

« March 3,1797 27 11 

" July 8,1797 14 31 

" March 26,1804 47 00 

'■ March 27,1804 27 20 

" July 1,1812 41 15 

" Julv 29,1813 44 21 

" April 27,1816 25 38 

" April 20,1818 19 33 

" May 22,1824 19 70 

" May 19,1828 17 62 

" May 24,1828 44 24 

" May 29,1830 65 12 

" July 14,1832 .54 31 

" 1833 84 4 

" 1842 17 73 

" 1846 62 22 

Such is the vote given in the Journals of the 
House; and lam confident an investii^ation of the 
Journals, will show that no tariff, distasteful to 
the South, has remained long on the statute book. 
It is a little striking, sir, that the first tariff, upon 
which sufficient interest was felt to take the yeas 
and na^/s, and the last tariff — the one now on the 
statute book — received an overwhelming majority 
of the Southern vote. It is easy to talk of North- 
ern aggression; but here are facts, and I commend 



gentlemen tea critical examination of them. Since 
1833, a jieriod of about nineteen years, we have 
lived under a tariff, voted for by the South, with 
the exception of some four years. 

But I am aware it is often aflirmed by our 
Southern friends, that they pay more than their 
just proportion of the revenues of the country. 
Since 1833, the tariff acts being, to a great extent, 
the work of the South, with the exc^eption of four 
years, have not, I am bound to believe, coiUained 
unjust discriminations against that section. The 
statements generally made, of the benefit of the 
tariff to the North, of the amount of money that it 
throws into their hands, at the expense of the 
South, I know are, in a great degree, fallacious, 
and had I time, I could demonstrate it to any one. 
Our tariff system is a tax on consumption. Our 
people are taxed mainly according to their neces- 
sities, according to what they may need to eat, 
drink, or wear. Such being the fact, I think it 
can be demonstrated that the North bears even 
more than their share of the burdens of taxation, 
in proportion to their ability to acquire. Let me 
give an illustration. 

In 1850, the receipts from customs amounted to 
about $40,000,000. IVlaine and South Carolina, 
if assessed with a direct tax, agreeably to the Con- 
stitution, in a revenue of $40,000,000, would pay 
about $1,000,000. Now, let us assume for a mo- 
ment that the slaves of South Carolina consume 
no articles paying duty. The white population of 
that State being a fair average of that of all the 
other States, would consume enough to ]tay of the 
$40,000,000 revenue, $560,000, and Maine would 
pay, upon the same principle, $1,100,000 ! I have 
assumed that the slaves consume no articles pay- 
ing duty. 

This is not true, I coiffess; but it is not very far 
from the fact, as I will endeavor to demonstrate. 
In the Patent Oflice Report f(n' 1849, is an account 
of the management of one of the best plantations 
in South Carolina. There are upon this planta- 
tion two hundred and fifty-fottr slaves, upon which 
the following cash expenses were incurred in one 
year: 

Two hundred pairs of shoes .$175, annual supply 

of hats .5100 S'^"") 00 

Bill of cotton and woolen cloth 810 00 

One hundred cotton comforters in lieu of bed blan- 
kets 125 00 

One hundred oilcloth capotes 87 00 

Twenty small woolen blankets for infants 25 00 

Calico dress and handkerchief for each woman 

and gi rl 82 00 

Christinas presents in lieu of negro crop 175 00 

Fifty sacks of salt 80 00 

Four hundred gallons of molasses 100 00 

Total .*1,9.59 00 

The above articles are given as the whole con- 
sumption of two hundred and fifty-four slaves, 
exclusive of what is produced on the plantation. 
I leave gentlemen to examine these items at their 
leisure, and to ascertain the amount of duties ac- 
tually paid upon them. I will not pursue this 
matter further; but I think it is evident from this 
illustration, that if our system of taxation is an 
aggression, it will be found like the aggression of 
winter, somewhat more searching and rigorous as 
you go North. I come now to the power — 

TO ESTABLISH POST OFFICES AND POST ROADS. 

Let us see if there are Soutliern grievances upon 



12 



this point. I find, by exanuiiation, that there is 
one post iiffice in tlie Nortli, to eleven hundred free 
population; and one in the S'luth, to about ei^lu 
hundred free pojiulation. Such are the accom- 
modations furnished. And who pays tlie bills for 
this branch of the public service.' Why, sir, the 
men, women, and children of the North pay an 
immense sum for transi)ortinj the mails for the 
benelii of ourcomplaiainu; friends of the South. I 
ask attention to the following tables, which I have 
condensed from a statement politely furnished me 
by the Post Office Department. 

Statement siiowins: the cost of transportation in 
each free State and Territory, for ten years, from 
1st Jidy, 1841, to 3Uih of June, 1851; also the 
amount of net revenue for the same time: 

Cost of Trans. Net Rercnuc. 

Maine i;.i48,6U3 (JO ij68-l,-2i).j 42 

New n;uii|i>liire.... 3i:...V..) OJ •146,3.W 87 

Vermont 398.t;i:j 00 421,67176 

Massacliuselts 1 .•2Jl).43;i 00 2,598,010 64 

Rhode Island H)-2,l&2 00 308,ia"> 64 

Connt-cticut o.tl ,559 00 781,572 ai 

New York 3,0G1,-189 00 6,745,76124 

New Jersev 5B4,G80 00 479,244 59 

Pennsylvania 1,684,953 HO 3,187,982 61 

Ohio 1,784,936 00 2,007,657 15 

Miehi^-an 509,885 00 430,.=)97 47 

Indiana 690,994 OJ 543,486 90 

Illinois 1, 239,3 -io 00 6.')9,909 17 

Iowa 1-28,578 00 12G,3:e 08 

Wisconsin 199,604 00 299^114 44 

MinncsotaTerritory. 1,578 00 3,936 18 

$13,039,187 00 $19,723,940 37 
13,039,187 00 

Net revenue .SG,684,753 37 

Statement, showing the cost of transportation of 
the United States mails in each slave State, for ten 
years, from 1st July, 1841, to .3()th June, 1851; 
also the net revenue from the Post Office during 
the same period, in said States: 

Cost of Trans. Net Revenue. 

Delaware .$89,813 00 .*101,632 69 

Maryland 1,366,.536 00 1>67,798 48 

Viriiinia 1,842.927 00 1.236,203 13 

Norlli Carolina 1,600,270 00 '409,518 10 

SouthCarolina 1,!54,147 00 693,2fi3 97 

Georgia 1,514,537 00 812,576 70 

Florida 374,135 00 128,132 90 

Missouri 697.538 00 586,405 42 

Kentucky 1.15:. 13100 699,297 05 

Tennessee 7'.»-.;i>G 00 515,932 84 

Alahaina l,s:().-)2G 00 711,422 02 

Mississippi 8t5C,4*5 00 462,3.57 99 

Louisiana ,029,103 00 965,403 04 

Arkaiisa.i 55G,:r)2 00 120,066 29 

Texas .334,336 00 88,015 45 

$14,716,761 00 $8,601,026 09 

8,601,026 09 

Deficit $f.,l 15,734 91 

It will be seen by this statement, that in a period 
of ten years, §0,000,000 have been paid by the 
citizens of the North — by the men, women, and 
children of that section of our country, to trans- 
port the Soutliern mails. From this data 1 leave 
penllemen to calculate the amount paid during the 
last sixty years. IJut, sir, I have not time to dwell 
upon thiH point. 

AC(iI'ISITION- OF TKnUITonV. 

I ask tlie attention of gentlemen to the action of 
the Government under the power to acquire and 
relin'piish territory. This power is not expressly 
granted by tlie Constitution; but we have on sev- 



eral occasions exercised the right of making terri- 
torial acquisitions and relinquishments. These 
acquisitions have been highly favorable to South- 
ern domination and prosperity. In 1S0"3 we pur- 
chased the Territory of Louisiana, and paid for the 
same the sum of ^15,000,000. In 1819 we pur- 
chased Florida, ami advanced in cash $5,000,000. 
In 184-i, from three to five millions of acres of 
Northern territory were surrendered to Great Brit- 
ain by the treaty establishing the Northeastern 
boundary. In 1845 we annexed Texas to the 
United States. In 1847 we surrendered our claim 
to about one half of Oregon, extending five degi-ees 
on the Pacific. Here are three great acquisitions, 
and two grand relinquishments. The acquisitions 
were all slave territory, and relinquishments free 
territory. So far, all the acquisitions were for the 
use of the South, and all the relinquishments at 
the expense of the North. For these acquisitions 
our Government paid from the common Treasury 
of the nation — 

To Franco $15,000,000 

To Snain 5,0'HLOOO 

To Te.xas 10,000,000 

Total $30.01)0,000 

It is true that a part of the Louisiana purchase 
is now free, but by far the larger part of this is 
waste territory, and of no value. To give a just 
idea of the benefits derived l)y the free and slave- 
holding States relatively, in consequence of our 
acquisitions, I ask gentlemen to consider the value 
of real and personal ]iroperty, according to the 
late census, in the States accpiired from foreign 
countries. I hold in my hand an authentic state- 
ment, which I will read: 

Free StiUes. Slave States. 

Cilifornia $22,131,914 Louisiana.... .$-227,029,092 

Iowa 21,43(5,138 Texas 51.II4.4S8 

Florida 22.033.6.37 

Total $43,568,052 Missouri 99.129,712 

Arkansas 3(;,:tG8,765 

Total $435,675,694 

I ask honorable members, who seem to grudge 
even California, to look at this statement, and then 
decide for themselves, who have realized the ben- 
efit of foreign acquisitions under this Government. 
But I have not done. Much complaint has been 
made by some of our Southern friends, at the dis- 
position of our " Mexican acquisition." But 
how is this? Texas is a slaveholding State. Cal- 
ifornia is free. Utah and New Mexico are open 
to slavery. This, I believe, is not denied by any 
one. Henry Clay has stated such to be the fact, 
and so, I think, Senator Downs has very recently 
affirmed. 

Our whole acquisition of Mexican territory 
amounts to 8.34,000 square miles, and is appropri- 
ated as follows: 

Territory ojicn to Slavery. 

Texas 237,321 sipiari' miles. 

New Mexico 219.774 

l.'lah 187,923 '• 

Total 64,5,018 

Not OjicH to Stiivery. 
( 'alilornia '188,982 .square miles. 

It is not an answer to this statement to say that 
Utah and New iMexico will remain free. Accord- 
ing to the jirovisions of their territorial govern- 
ment, they are to be admitted with slavery, if 
adjacent States will have it so; for, from their con- 



13 



tigiious position, they have tiie power to settle it. 
Pour fiftlis of this acquisition is, in truth, open to 
slavery propagaiidism. Even California was not 
made free by Northern votes, against the votes of 
the South. She made herself tVee. But this is 
not all. The Missouri compromise line has been 
altered to give territory to the State of Missouri. 
Hear Colonel Benton, upon the annexation of the 
Platte country. In a speech delivered in the United 
States Senate, he uses the following language: 

" By that act of annexation a part of tlii' Missouri com- 
promise line, one liundreU niilosof it on a straiglit line, was 
abolished and a new line substituted, nearly three hundred 
miles long on its two sides, cutting deep into free soil, and 
converting it into slave soil. The six beautiful counties of 
the Platte country were gained to JMissouri by this operation 
— gained to a slave State, and carved out of free territory, 
made free by the compromise of 1820, and all by the help 
of Northern votes." 

Sir, if complaints are to be made in the prem- 
ises, Southern gentlemen are the last persons to 
prefer them. 

It may be proper in this connection to say a 
word in relation to the Northwest Territory. We 
are often told by Soutliern gentlemen that Virginia 
fi^ave up this Territory for the exclusive use of the 
North. In reply to this, I ask gentlemen to recol- 
lect that Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New 
York claimed tlie same Territory, and thoseStates, 
together with Virginia, ceded their rights to this 
tract of country. It may be said further, that 
even if Virginia had the best claim, her cession 
was a voluntary act of her ov/n, and not a North- 
ern aggression. But has the South been deprived 
of the use of this tract of country in consequence 
of the cession ? Not at all. The sons of the South 
have enjoyed it in common with those of the 
North. There are at this moment, I am confi- 
dent, as many citizens from the South as from 
the North upon this Territory, in pro]iortion to the 
population of each section of the Union. 

I am now naturally brought to quote again 
from the Constitution: 

" The Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make 
all needful rules and regulations respecting, the territory of 
the United States." 

Under this provision it is contended that we are 
authorized to make regulations concerning the 
public lands. How have we exercised this author- 
ity? Has any injustice been done to the South- 
ern States in the action of the Government, or in 
the conduct of the North upon this matter .' How 
does the case stand ? The lands have been held, 
among other purposes, as a source of revenue to 
the Government. 

The receipts for public lands have been as fol- 
lows: 

Free States. Slave States. 

Ohio f20,853,694 33 Missouri .•$13,674,958 62 

Indiana 21,870,25.5 57 Alabama 17,722,124 74 

Illinois 20,491,177 17 Mississippi... 13,353,247 49 

Michigan.... 11,704,8)7 76 Louisiana.... 4.405,389 31 

Iowa 3,402,878 88 Arkansas 4,071.12173 

Wisconsin.. 6,243,32113 Florida 1,294,893 52 



Total $84,-565,934 84 Total i5,'54,521 ,035 41 

54,521,035 41 

$30,044,899 43 



Showing that there have been received for the sale 
of public lands from the free States, $30,044,899 43 
more than from the slave States, up to the 30th of 
September, 1851. I obtain this information from 
a statement furnished me by the Commissioner of 



the General Land Office. Thus much for the rev- 
enue from the .sales of public lands, and the men 
who have furnislied that revenue. Sir, I .shrink 
from nothing in this investigation; and I now usk 
the attention of the House to an ai)stract from a 
statement famished by the Commissioner of the 
General Land Office, showing the donations, 
grants, and reservations of land to the several 
States for all purjioses whatever; up to 30th Sep- 
tember, 1851: 



Free States. Jicres. 

Ohio 11,1.52,,523 

Indiana 3,.56(i.fi67 

Illinois 3,515;:MI 

Michigan 6.310,317 

Iowa 1,997,445 



Slave States. Jlcrcs. 

Missouri 3.310,094 

Alabama 4,4.53,233 

Mississippi 3,895,468 

Louisiana 10.218,534 

Arkansas 6^4.38.3.57 



Wisconsin 3,318,476 Florida 2;096,564 

California 500,000 . 

Total 30,412,850 

Total 30,300,729 

30,300,729 

52,121 



By v/hich it appears that the slave States have re- 
ceived 52,121 acres more than the free States. The 
donation for the Illinois and Mobile Central Rail- 
road is not included in this calculation, it being of 
a charac;er of the Cumberland road, for the ben- 
efit of several slaveholding and non-slaveholding 
States. 

These donations, grants, and reservations have 
been made to six slaveholding and six free States. 
If there is any propriety in making them, they 
should be made according to population. This 
proposition is, I think, apparent. If one State 
has 500,000 children to be taught in schools and 
colleges, and another has 1,000,000, lands should 
be given to each State, if given for educational 
purposes, in the same ratio. So, if they are given 
for any other purpose. I ask, then, the attention 
of gentlemen to the population of States to which 
lands have been given. It is as follows: 

Free States. Slave States. 

Ohio 1,980,408 Missouri 683,043 

Indiana 988,416 Alabama 771,671 

Illinois 851,470 Mississippi 606„555 

Michigan 397,6.54 Louisiana 511,974 

Wisconsin 305,191 Arkansas 209,639 

Iowa 192,214 Florida 87,401 



Total . 



4,715,353 Total 2,869,283 



Here is a population, in round numbers, of 
4,700,000 in six free States, and 2,800,000 in the 
same number of slaveholding States. 

The six slaveholding States have one half aa 
much population as the six free States, and have re- 
ceived, not one half, but more of the public domain. 
If, indeed, a citizen in a free State is equal to a cit- 
izen in a slaveholding State, then the land Stjites 
of the South have little reason to complain. But 
what of the future? I ask a moment's attention 
to the donations of land, prepared in the United 
States Senate at the present session: 

Free States. Slave States. 

Michigan 341,760 acres. Mi.ssouri.. 890,880 acres. 



Wisconsin... 599,040 

Iowa 3,107,417 

Ohio 302,195 

Illinois 35,000 



Arkansas.. 1,673,920 

Alabama... 1,205,760 " 

Florida.... 5,882,880 « 

Louisiana. 13,508,359 " 



Total 4,385,412 



23,361,699 « 



This is the programme of legislation for the 

present session. Let gentlemen study these fig- 

1 ures, and remember that even Js''orlkern men can 



14 



be found to talk of aggressive legislation upon the 
South ! 

So imich for donations, grants, and reservations 
of lands. 

Bui 1 have not yet explained the whole connec- 
tion of the Government with land matters. Our 
Government has been a land jnirchaser from the 
nbori^inees of the country. It is pertinent to this 
disiirs.sion to make a brief examination of the ex- 
tinguishment of Indian titles. To whom have 
the liencfits and advantages of this Government 
accrued in the extinguishment of Indian titles.' 

The number of acres of land purchased from 
the Indians since the establishment of the Fed- , 
ei-al Government, according to a statement kindly 
furnished me by the Commissioner of Indian 
Affairs, amounts to 481,044,448 acres. The In- 
dian title has been extinguished, by purchase, to 
293,8&9,1)91 acres of Southern territory, and to 
187,759,351 acres of Northern territory. Tlie 
excess of Southern territory, to which the Indian 
title has been extinguished, is ]U(),125,746 acres. 
At §1 25 per acre, the excess of land in the South 
thus disincumbered, would amount to 'ji;132,C57,- 
182. Its extent is more than twice as large as all 
New England. I do not, however, profess that 
this statement is precisely accurate; as in two or 
three instances Indian tribes were located in what 
is now partly the slaveholding, and partly tiie 
non-slaveholding section of the Union. 1 think 
the statement is, if anything, most favorable to 
our Southern friends. 

But I have not time to say more relative to the 
purchase of lands from the Indians. Before I cori- ; 
elude, I shall allude to other expenses immedi- ; 
ately connected with this subject, and in conse- 
quence of wiiich the whole Southern country was 
freed from the jiresence of hostile Indians. i 

GOVERN'.MENT EXPEKDITURES NORTH AND SOUTH. 

But I must pass along. There are many mat- 
ters of less importance which illustrate the unfor- 
tunate character of this charge of aggression. 
Among the grants of power we are authorized to 
coin money. Now, there are three establishments 
for this purpose at the South — one in North Caro- 
lina, one in Georgia, and one in Louisiana, and 
but one at the North, in Philadelphia. It will be 
recollected, that Congress has been petitioned 
year after year for a branch at New York, and 
the petitioners have been denied their reasonable 
request. The Southern establishments have been 
brouirht into existence by Northern votes — and if 
this may be called a Northern aggression, I may 
as well say that the business men of New York 
and New England would be very glad to be 
visited with a Southern a^'Sression of a similar 
character. It cannot be said that the i)UsineRs of 
coining will not be done as rheajily at the North. 
Upon that point I will not detain gentlemen lonir. 
I will briefly refer to the mint operations for 1851. 
An ollicial document sent into Congress from the 
Treasury Department shows the mint operations 
of tiie United States, during the year 1851, to have 
been as follows: 

General Rfcapitulation. 

No. ot'rii'ccH. Viiliic 

riiil;i(l.l|iliin ai.'JH,:>,7:t6 ^.Vi.f.Htl.HTS -13 

N.-w ( »rl<aii« 3,;VJ7,000 10,l-JJ,t;i)0 00 

Clmrl-.tlc. V. Carolina.. HCrWG ^ai.lM DO 

DttliloiKga 83,8.'i6 ;t.M ,''"- 00 

Total 28,70 1 ,90B ^3,Jtta,M 1 43 



The expense of coinage at Philadelphia is forty- 
two hundreths per cent.; at New Orleans one and 
eight hundreths per cent.; at Charlotte three and 
fifty-five hundreths per cent.; and at Dahlonega 
three and thirteen hundreths per cent. 

It is impossible to comment in detail upon all 
the acts of Government in a single speech. Nor 
is it necessary to this defense; for I have Southern 
testimony of a very comprehensive character. I 
will read: 

" In many instances of the hiirhest importance and great- 
est iiionii'iit, tlie policy of tlie United t*tates has been in 
favor of itie South, and under the control of the South." 

" I remember to have heard Mr. Calhoun say, not many 
years before his death, that the Soutli always had, and al- 
ways would control the Government when united. This 
is abundantly shown in our past history. 

" Since the formation of the PVderal Govemmrnt, the 
Southern States have given to the Union, nine Presidents 
out of thirteen ; and have had a very large proportion of all 
the I'edcral otiices. 'J'hree fourths of this time the Soutll 
liavc been in power, and have had the control of the Gov- 
ernment. — Extracts from Sjiecck of Hon. B. F. Perry, 
House of Representatives, South Carolina, December lUA, 
1^50. 

But I do not ask honorable members to rely on 
general assertions concerning the more inijioriant 
operations of Government. I have some addi- 
tional facts and figures. I am able to show the 
total expenditure, in each section, for internal im- 
provements by the General Government from 1791 
to 1837. 

These flicts are taken from the reports of the 
Secretary of the Treasury of January 17th, 1835, 
and March IGth, 1838. 

By this data the expenditures have been: 

In the slave States ^5,614,113 60 

In the free States 4,292,593 23 

Excess in the slaves States $1,321,520 37 

The sums expended in the District of Colum- 
bia are included, amounting to about §.500,000 — 
but I have excluded from the statement the expend- 
itures for the imjirovement of the Ohio and Mis- 
sissippi rivers, and for the Cumberland road — 
these thoroughfares leading through both sections 
of the country. I am not able to give the amount 
expended from 1837 till the presenttime; but these 
figures will, I think, demonstrate that the impres- 
sion has been very erroneous as to the sums ex- 
pended in each section of the Union for internal 
nnprovements. 

As intimately connected with this subject, I 
have a statement showing the total expenditurea 
for light-houses from 179f to 1837, as derived from 
the reports already referred to. I have condensed 
that statement, and will make the following ex- 
hibit: 
Total amount expended forliirht-houses from 1791 

to 1837 §5,203,083 05 

In the free States 2,51 1 ,2(i5 39 

In the slave States 2,li91,817 G6 

The appropriations made for light-houses since 
1837, are a.s follows: 

In the free States and Territories §8(54,127 

In tlie slave States and Territories 794,202 

Add these ap|iro|iriations to the expenditures 
already slated, and we have this result: 
Expenditures and approiiriations in free 

States ..§3,375,392 

Expenditures and appropriations in 
slave Stales 3,480,079 

Excess in slave Slates |^110,G87 



15 



I have little more than time to state the facts, 
which I wish gentlemen of this House to consider, 
and I pass to another point which 1 think should 
not be over-looked. This nation, from its com- 
mon Treasury, has made immense expenditures 
for the peculiar benefit of our Southern brethren; 
to protect them from and relieve them of the In- 
dian race. Who, sir, does not realize that the 
means to carry on the Indian wars, and to keep 
up commerce with the Indian tribes, in the South 
and Southwest, came from the common Treasury 
of the nation? Now I ask gentlemen who say 
this Government has only oppressed them, to listen 
to the language of the distinguished individual of 
South Carolina, whom I have already quoted. 
What does he say? Hear him: 

" There are tlie Indian wars on the soutliern frontier, for 
the protection of the Southern people, at a cost to tlie Fed- 
eral Government of near .$20i»,0U0,()00. This is surely 
feeling the power .and influence of the Union, not by its ex- 
actions and oppressions, but by its care, protection, and 
liberality. These [ndian wars are not only waged for the 
protection of the South, but have resulted in the entire re- 
moval of the Indians from the Southern States, at a very 
heavy expense to the Federal Government. 

And who is the honorable B. F. Perry? In 
January, 1851, the Washington Union, Thomas 
Ritchie, editor, held the following language con- 
cerning him: 

" We have been taught to appreciate his character. He 
was formerly the editor of the Greenville Mountaineer, and 
disjjlayed great talents in his arduous vocation. 

"During the nullification storm of 1832-"33 he was a 
Union man. He is now a prominent member of the bar, 
and a distinguished delegate in the House of Representatives 
of that State, (South Carolina. ) Even the breath of sus- 
picion has never tarnished his escutcheon. He is a man of 
liigh honor, firmness, and talents." 

Such is the testimony as to the character of the 
witness I have called to the stand. But let us look 
at the action of the Government a little further, 
under the provision of the Constitution to provide 
for the common defense. I find important in- 
formation in a report of General J. G. Totten, 
Chief Engineer, on the subject of the national 
defenses. From that report I obtain the following 
statement: 
Fortifications upon the Coast and Mrthern Frontier. 



cost. 
Northern Frontier. . . ,1,153,537 

ClassA 2,598,810 

" B 4,367,103 

" C 630,442 



FREE STATES. 

Estimated Jlmount 
expended. 

612,650 
2,131,214 
4,217.108 

130,442 



Cost of 
Jlrmament. 

33:»,068 

1,272,007 

1,282,621 

125,663 



$8,749,897 $7,091,414 $3,010,359 



SLAVE STATES. 

Class A 1,673,328 1,452,528 

" C 9,241,358 8,9.55,861 

" C 8,300.580 3,772,386 



447,119 
1,050,283 

1.238,638 



215,266 $14,180,775 $2,736,090 



The classes A, B, and C, embrace the old works 
repaired, the new works completed, or nearly com- 
pleted, and the works now under construction. 

It will be seen that the total estimated cost of 
these works amounts to $3.3,601,512; and that 
two thirds of the cost of these fortifications are in 
the slaveholding States. This statement embraces 
the defenses not only on the Atlantic and Pacific 
coasts, but upon the great Lakes. 

To give a more just view of this application of 
tlte funds of the nation for purposes of coast de- 



fense, I will make an exhibit of the extent of the 
American coast. I have made a statement from 
information kindly furnished ine by Profe.s.sor 
Bache and Major Stevens, of the Coast Survey 
Office. I ask attention to it. 

The shore line of the United State.s of America, 
including bays, sounds, &c., is as follows: 

Free States and Territories. Statute miles. 

Maine 1 ,355 

New Hampshire 18 

Massachusc'tts 887 

Rhode Island 230 

Connecticut 2;t6 

New York 51) 

New Jersey 510 

California 1,110 

Oregon 1,171 

United States shore line of the great Lakes as fuUows : 

Lake Superior 855 

Lake Michigan 1,100 

Lake Huron 420 

Lake Erie 350 

Lake Ontario 200 

Total 8,492 

Slave States, Statute miles, 

Delaware 230 

Maryland 730 

Virginia 247 

North Carolina 845 

South Carolina 2'l'> 

Georgia 250 

Florida 1,943 

Alabama 240 

Mississippi 155 

Louisiana 1,247 

Texas 940 

Total 7,032 

By the facts here presented it will be seen that 
the shore line of the slaveholding States is more 
than one thousand miles less than that of the free 
States and Territories; and yet they in the slave- 
holding States have received two thirds of the 
national expenditures for purposes of coast de- 
fense. 

There are many other matters upon which I might 
dwell. I have not noticed all the expenditures of 
Government, nor is it possible for me to do so on 
the present occasion. It is fair to state that in the 
construction ofnaval vessels, &c., the largeramount 
has been expended at the North; but with very 
good reasons. The cost of construction at the 
North has been much less. This is no aggression, 
but the exercise of a wise economy. Put this and 
whatever other items of a similar character that 
may appear upon the record down to tlie North- 
ern account, and still, I affirm, that, taking into 
consideration the expenditures of every de.-jcrip- 
tion, they are very for from furnishing our South- 
ern friends any decent reason for complaint. 

Before concluding, I must briefly allude to one 
other cause of uneasiness. It has been .said that 
the people of the North make money out of the 
commerce of the country. This is put down 
among the list of grievances. But are the North 
to bhune for that? The question is briefly an- 
swered by a writer in De Bow's Commercial Re- 
view, a work of high authority and standing at 
the South. Hear him: 

" The ships of the North come to our shores laden with 
rich stores from all quarters of the globe— silks and teas of 
China, cofTee from Hrazil, the manufactures of England, 
France, the spice of Sumatra, the gold of California. For 
almost every article of necessity and luxury we use from 
foreign countries we are indebted to Northern enterprise, 
to which we annually pay a large tribute, Uie immense 



16 



prcifil.-i orwiiicli iiiiglit.iccrue to oiirsi-lvcsliad we llii'enler- 
prisi' and fiu'rpy to enter tlie tielil. Will any man of sense 
jirctend 111 say tlial tln-re is any action ol" the CJeneral Uov- 
eniinent to prevent a inereliant orciiarleston, iSavannall, or 
New I »rleans, I'roni riltins out ships lor the wlialin:; husi- 
ness. iniporlin,!; teas from Canton, or cotiee from Brazil? 
Are tli<- duties on foreign goods any higher in Charleston 
tliuii III New York ? 

Sir, the case is well put, and I have only to add 
that, for the "tribute" they pay, they receive 
from the North a valuable consideration, in the 
services described in this extract. And if they 
do not think so, they have the panieri'i:ht enjoyed 
by the citizens of my own State, to become car- 
riers for themselves and the world, to enter into 
both foreij^ii and coastwise trade. And the re- 
mark will apply with ecjual force to every branch 
of business known to civilization. 

Mr. Chairman, the remarks I have submitted 
have been prompted by my regard for the Union, 
and by a re.spect for the principles of equity and 
justice. I have often thought that a fair and can- 
did investigation of the benefits and advantages of 
this Goverinnent, enjoyed by the South, would 
disarm the spirit of disunion; that our Southern 
friends, by an examination of the facts, would be 
induced to demand less of the North. It seems to 
me, tdo, that the Northern volunteers in behalf of 
Southern grievances, by looking into the action of 
the Government, instead of acquiescing in the 
charge of aggression, will see that we have rights 
— fair, just rights, which we have seldom assert- 
ed. Tliey have made, in some instances, conces- 
sions that I am frank to say I would not have 
yielded, because a submission to unreasonable 
deinands never makes for peace. If the people of 
the North desire a perpetuation of the Union they 
should ask what is right. They should ask, it is 
true, nothing more. They should, I repeat, sub- 
mit to nothing wrong. They should not consent 
to be put under bonds to keep the peace, or to 
keep any law, because, doubtless, without any 
intention of those who wish to impose the bonds 
to do so, it puts those who consent to be bound, 
"wrongfully on the record as criminals by their 
own confession ! No man is called upon to get 
bonds that he will not violate a law, unless he is 
suspected of criminal intentions. Asa member 
of the Democratic party, I hope no such bond will 
be demanded at the Baltimore Convention. I 
hope there will be no interpolation of new obliga- 
tions into the Baltimore platform. It is, however, 
fair to warn our Democratic friends at the North 
that they have been notified that they must be 
" bound to keep the peace." Are these the terms 
to offer to the proud spirit of freeinen ? Will they 
be submitted to ? We shall see. The Democracy 
of Maine have repudiated all such offensive tests. 
In their late leirislative State Convention they 
adopted the old Baltimore resolutions without ad- j 



ditions or interpolations. Such is the overwhelm- 
ing voice of the Democracy of the State I Imvethe 
honor in part to represent, sustained, as it is, with 
unparalleled unanimity by our Democratic press. 
!" Bonds to keep the peace," indeed! Without 
: intending disrespect to anyone, I must be allowed 
1 to remark that these are terms fit only for slaves. 
i>Neither should the people of the North on any 
occasion quietly submit to unjust attacks from men 
in their own ranks, or from tiiose who understand 
little of their character or intentions. 

It is often the case, that extreme men charge the 
North with aggression, and the idea is caught up 
by a certain class of men from the free States, 
who stand ready to do swift and willing injustice 
to their own section. Sir, Northern jioliticians, 
who, to advance their own political fortunes, brand 
the North with injustice to the Southern people, 
and thus create, at the South, causeless dissatis- 
faction, do not, in my judgment, exhibit a very 
sincere patriotism. They are the swift witnesses, 
who come voluntarily to the stand to blacken, 
by their testimony, the land of their birth. They 
will do more: they will advocate unworthy con- 
cessions, and, if successful in their work, the younff 
men of the North may finally become impressed 
that they have no rights to be defended; that they 
are not the equals of those residing in other sec- 
tions of the country; that they are not as great or 
good. But I trust they are not to succeed in 
dwarfing the position of our young men, or in 
creating a servile spirit that dares not defend our 
interests and honor when assailed. I trust the 
time is not near at hand when an American citizen 
will not dare to utter his honest opinions. Such 
a spirit of political bondage, fastened upon the 
minds of men, would wither the land like the blight 
of mildew. It would be a species of bondage that 
would turn the fairest country on earth into a 
moral desert. With such a condition of things 
fixed upon us, it would be no longer delightful to 
look upon the green fields and the busy towns of 
our country. " Even the croaking of frogs in the 
'uncultivated fen, or the howling of wild beasts 
' on the mountain-top, where liberty dwells, would 
' be preferable to the nightingale's song in the 
' vales of slavery, or the melting notes of Correlli 
' in cities clanking their chains!" What is thus 
characterized is not more galling than the intolerant 
s|iirit which would stifle the thoughts and crush 
the voice of freemen ! 

One word more, and I have done. The North 
have faults, though not grievous ones, I think; 
but that we have been visited with unjust denun- 
ciation and intolerance by some, and often be- 
trayed by others, must be apparent to all. As it 
has not lu-en the object of these remarks to make 
complaints, I only state this now as due to the 
truth of history. 



146 






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